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Wages were extremely low, with a considerable portion lost to fines (in the 1880’s, up to 40 percent) and a portion issued in kind, that is, in products from stores run by factory owners. Almost overnight a situation called “dual power” emerged. Even as it adopted a New Economic Policy, making concessions to peasant interests, the party formally banned factions. Lenin wrote: “Without such a ‘dress rehearsal’ as we had in 1905, the revolutions of 1917—both the bourgeois, February revolution, and the proletarian, October revolution—would have been impossible” (ibid., vol. There was now a fundamental conundrum. The crisis of the feudal system and the beginning of the industrial revolution (1830’s-1840’s) contributed to an increase in the number of free wage laborers, who accounted for 87 percent of the total number of workers employed in industry in 1860 (in 1770, 32 percent; in 1820, 58 percent). Many of the trades once associated with manual labor disappeared. If socialist revolution was to be secured in the new Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR, formally established in 1922) or begun to be realized over the longer run, it had to undertake the socio-economic prerequisites of socialism — at minimum, the industrialization of the economy so as to produce a working-class majority. Thousands of advanced workers filled responsible state, economic, and military positions and learned the art of governing the country and managing production. By the end of the Civil War the number of workers employed in industry was only 47.1 percent of the 1917 level. The practice of having one workman operate several machines at a time became widespread, and new forms of competition emerged, including frontline brigades; patriotic movements of those who overfulfilled the production plans by factors of two, three, five, and ten; and movements for progressive organization and technology in production. They could respond immediately to workers’ initiatives and integrate large numbers rapidly into their ranks. This information should not be considered complete, up to date, and is not intended to be used in place of a visit, consultation, or advice of a legal, medical, or any other professional. Leon Trotsky: The History of the Russian Revolution (three volumes);1905; The Revolution Betrayed (1937). This new democratic form of self-organization arose spontaneously and quickly blossomed independently from the existing political parties, distinguishing the Russian revolutionary process from the beginning and inspiring working people around the world. Leaders like Lenin and Trotsky understood the problem and saw it could only be overcome if the revolution spread to countries where capitalism was developed and workers were closer to being a majority. During the Civil War (1918-21), the revolution was hemmed in from all sides: from the old order, the White armies of Admiral Aleksandr Kolchak, Iurii Denikin, General Yudenich and later Pyotr Nikolayevich Wrangel were joined by the armies of fourteen capitalist powers to blockade and strangle the revolution. The working class was thus the only social force that could make the revolution, and push the democratic revolution to its limit in a manner totally opposed by the bourgeoisie itself — free elections, free speech, the right of free propaganda, the eight-hour day. The workers have made great sacrifices, they have suffered epidemics, and mortality among them has increased. Between 1955 and 1959 more than 6 million graduates of secondary general education schools entered the national economy. Between 1865 and 1890 the working class increased from 706,000 to 1,433,000, with the number of workers in factory industry increasing from 509,000 to 840,000, in mining and metallurgy from 165,000 to 340,000, and in the railroad industry from 32,000 to 253,000. 3, p. 13). He saw in the soviets the political form for realizing the direct, democratic rule of the producers. Minimum requirements for technical knowledge were stipulated, and schools of advanced experience and industrial technical courses were established. So long as these concessions did not threaten capitalist profits they could be accommodated. During the prewar five-year plans the Soviet people, headed by the working class under the leadership of the Communist Party, realized the Leninist plan for building socialism in the USSR, carrying out socialist industrialization, the collectivization of agriculture, and the cultural revolution. Lenin often said it was a terrible misfortune that the honor of beginning the world socialist revolution should befall backward Russia, ill-suited to move toward socialism. In the spring of 1919 communist subbotniki (voluntary, unpaid work on Saturdays), which Lenin termed “a great beginning” (ibid., vol. The virtual non-existence in Russia of these networks was to an important degree because Russia lacked a mature capitalist class — the sort of bourgeoisie that had elsewhere, over time, thrown up the institutions of civil society made possible by capitalist productivity and economic surpluses. It wasn’t until the presidential candidacy of Bernie Sanders that the word “socialism” would be attractive to a majority of millennials, born after the redbaiting of the Cold War lost its efficacy. In the first six months of the war, 1,523 industrial enterprises, including 1,360 large, primarily military enterprises, were evacuated from the western regions to the eastern regions of the country. Find more similar words at wordhippo.com! 17, p. 145). B. the working class would eventually be driven deep into poverty, revolt, and establish a socialist state. In republics with a preponderantly peasant population, the growth of the working class promoted the improvement of the social structure. More than three million soldiers were killed. Sources include Victor Serge, Leon Trotsky, V.I. The Bolshevik Party quickly freed the proletariat from petit bourgeois influences and revolutionary defensism. That a social democrat calling himself a democratic socialist could win the hearts and votes of so many millions in the heart of capitalism shows that the equation of socialism with anti-democratic statist dictatorship is no longer functional. The revolutionary momentum was lost, as well as the frontline workers who made the revolution. About two-fifths of the workers lived in barracks-like housing without the most basic conveniences. A reactionary phase began after the defeat of the Revolution of 1905–07. Nor did Russia possess the legal mass reformist parties with their parliamentary delegations, trade union leaderships and radical newspapers, not to mention sports clubs, popular theaters and the like, that played such a central role in the West’s working-class politics. An increasingly important role was played in the proletarian movement by the advanced workers, of whom the best trained studied the works of K. Marx and F. Engels and the experience of the Paris Commune. Had there been elections at that point, the Bolsheviks would likely have lost. Soon, however, with the outbreak of Civil War and the threat to the revolution it represented, the Bolsheviks went further, banning political parties and abridging many of the basic liberties that an actually functioning democracy requires. The proletarian stage of the liberation movement, which began in the mid-1890’s, was characterized by a mass working-class movement linked with the theory of scientific socialism. The soviets did not survive the Civil War, except in name. The worker intelligentsia, which engages in an integral combination of skilled manual and mental labor, is expanding rapidly in the Soviet working class. The government and the bourgeoisie led an offensive against the Russian working class. Fortunately the disintegration and demise of the Soviet Union, followed by the ravages of neoliberal capitalism have combined to open the way to reclaim democracy as the heart of the socialist project. Victor Serge: Year One of the Russian Revolution; From Lenin to Stalin. John Reed: Ten Days That Shook the World. not an immediate assault on capitalist production and property). The period of socialist construction was marked by the formation and development of the working class in the Union and autonomous republics. The working class declined considerably as a result of the collapse of the economy, famine, the closing of factories, and the departure of experienced workers for the front and for the requisitioning detachments. The working class has always been the most revolutionary, most organized, most unified, and most disciplined class, possessing political maturity and a collectivist psychology. The tactical and strategic skill of Lenin and Trotsky was crucial to the victorious revolution, but they were only first among comrades, their leadership and that of the Bolsheviks based on the effectiveness of their activity. During the revolution diverse forms of proletarian struggle appeared, ranging from uprisings to participation in the State Duma. As Lenin pointed out, during the Civil War “the finest members of the working class perished…. The working class became a socialist class that owned all the means of production. First, the February Russian Revolution toppled the Russian monarchy and established a Provisional Government. These qualities were also displayed by heroes of labor and by the peredoviki (factory workers recognized for their initiative or exemplary work). The Bolsheviks were the only party calling for the overthrow of tsarism. In the early 1800s, Russian leaders developed trading relationships with other European nations, exporting large amounts of grain and timber. They expressed the aspirations of the workers and potential for power. The leading role of the working class in society and politics attained a higher level. The means of production were expropriated from the bourgeoisie by the working class and turned into socialist public property. From this vantage point, the Bolsheviks prevailed not because they could direct the workers’ movement from above but because, as result of their capacity to represent the working class in every changing phase of struggle, they could quickly respond to workers’ shifting demands, objectives and moods. In regions not affected by military actions, the level of industrial output in the first six months of 1945 was 201 percent of the level of industrial output for the first half of 1941. At the First Congress of the RSDLP in 1898, an important step was taken toward unifying the various Social Democratic organizations. Trotsky’s position, “neither peace nor war,” meant stalling for time. Class Structure in 19th Century Russia Overview of Russia in the 19th Century European Class Structure before and during the 19th Century Ruled by Tsar Alexander I from 1801-1825 Russo-Turkish war, Russo-Swedish war, & Napoleon invades Russia. In 1940, 8.3 million workers were employed in industry, 2.4 million in transportation, 1.9 million in construction, and 1.6 million in agriculture. What happened under Stalin — to peasants and workers alike — is the story of a counterrevolution that set back the cause of international socialism for many decades. New entrants came into the party without the traditions of the “Old Bolsheviks.”. The Revolution of 1917 took up where the Revolution of 1905 left off; it was from start to finish a story of workers’ initiatives to amass and ultimately take power. What Victor Serge would call this “change of mentality” meant that the Bolsheviks moved to suppress their socialist and anarchist opponents, an act with irreversible consequences for the further development of socialist democracy. Politically, the working class was completely without rights. During the revolution the Russian proletariat went through a school of political struggle. And to the degree it left workers democracy behind, it undermined the effective foundations of its own rule. Only a small group of workers were provided with insurance for sickness, old age, and job-related injuries. From the 1860’s to the early 1890’s the struggle of the proletariat against capitalist exploitation was primarily economic. Since the Bolsheviks no longer allowed their existence outside the party, they could hardly be tolerated inside the party where they might threaten splits. On Feb. 27–28, 1917, the toiling masses, inspired by the Bolsheviks, overthrew the autocracy. The bourgeoisie was not numerous, and in political terms had virtually ceased to function once the February Revolution and subsequent abdication of the Tsar had taken place. A. G. Stakhanov, a miner, launched a movement of worker-innovators in production (the Stakhanovite movement). The Bolshevik Party, a revolutionary Marxist party, was established in 1903 at the Second Congress of the RSDLP. Wages almost doubled, housing conditions improved, and the seven-hour workday was established. A qualitatively new revolutionary force appeared in the historical arena—a working class that was building a socialist society. Among them were the Neva strike of 1870, the Krenholm strikes of 1872 and 1882, and the Żyrardów strike of 1883 in Poland. The country was forced to pay six billion gold marks in reparations. Working Class of the USSR In Russia, as in other countries, the proletariat (preproletariat) began to take shape in feudal society. How Girls in Tech used Prezi Video to address social issues In 1909 only 3.5 percent of the factory and mill workers participated in strikes. When the bridge to Germany was lost as was the westward extension of the revolution, the Bolsheviks were caught in a bind. The Russian legal code gave husbands almost unlimited power to make decisions within the family. A revolutionary upsurge began with a strike by Moscow workers in the summer of 1910. Under the conditions of the Civil War and economic ruin the working class, led by the Bolshevik Party, displayed a high level of revolutionary organization and determination. From the early 1960’s, as a result of the creation of a substantial. The working-class movement declined considerably. 18, 26, 27), were widely introduced. Changes in the size and composition of the working class during the 1950’s were accompanied by a general increase in the creative capacity of workers in all spheres of Soviet society. The party’s policies for the most purposeful distribution of the productive forces and for the equalization of the levels of development of the national republics in the unified national economy have resulted in an acceleration of the increase in the number of workers in the national republics. In 1897, 40 percent of the workers were literate, and in the leading branches of industry, up to 74 percent. In this way they preserved the revolution in the face of reaction and the fear of annihilation, but left it as a dying plant in the eyes of the world, including other revolutionaries. Petrograd, capital of Russia, on the night of October 25, 1917. The contradictions facing the Bolsheviks in seeking to expand the Russian Revolution — to create the conditions that would ultimately allow them to consolidate working-class rule on a democratic basis — manifested themselves with force and clarity in the one instance where they attempted to provoke a soviet revolution through military intervention abroad. This was an historic upheaval — and a significant step forward for concretizing democracy — because it meant that the parties had to compete for workers’ allegiance in a common political arena. In 1950 about 8 million factory workers and office employees were employed in the economies of the Ukrainian SSR and the Byelorussian SSR, or 1.6 times as many as in 1945. 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